The Dark Age Myth: An Atheist Reviews “God’s Philosophers”
My interest in Medieval science was substantially sparked by one book. Way back in 1991, when I was an impoverished and often starving post-graduate student at the University of Tasmania, I found a copy of Robert T. Gunther’s Astrolabes of the World – 598 folio pages of meticulously catalogued Islamic, Medieval and Renaissance astrolabes with photos, diagrams, star lists and a wealth of other information. I found it, appropriately and not coincidentally, in Michael Sprod’s Astrolabe Books – up the stairs in one of the beautiful old sandstone warehouses that line Salamanca Place on Hobart’s waterfront.
我对中世纪科学的兴趣其实源于一本书。早在1991年时，我还在塔斯马尼亚大学读研究生，生活穷困潦倒，过着有一顿没一顿的日子。算不上多么机缘巧合，就在霍巴特（Hobart）河岸边萨拉曼卡广场（Salamanca Place）一间优美古老的砂岩建筑二楼，Michael Sprod的星盘书店，我发现了一本Robert T. Gunther的《世界星盘》（Astrolabes of the World）。实际上，我认为在这家书店发现这本书真是再恰当不过了。这本书足有598页，细致地将伊斯兰、中世纪，以及文艺复兴时期的星盘收集编目，配有图片、图表、星表，以及丰富的相关信息。
Unfortunately the book cost $200, which at that stage was the equivalent to what I lived on for a month. But Michael was used to selling books to poverty-stricken students, so I went without lunch, put down a deposit of $10 and came back weekly for several months to pay off as much as I could afford and eventually got to take it home, wrapped in brown paper in a way that only Hobart bookshops seem to bother with anymore. There are few pleasures greater than finally getting your hands on a book you’ve been wanting to own and read for a long time.
I had another experience of that particular pleasure when I received my copy of James Hannam’s God’s Philosophers: How the Medieval World Laid the Foundations of Modern Science a couple of weeks ago.
几周前，收到手头这本James Hannam的《上帝的哲学家：中世纪如何为现代科学奠基》（God’s Philosophers: How the Medieval World Laid the Foundations of Modern Science），我又一次体验到了这种独特乐趣。
For years I’ve been toying with the idea of creating a website on Medieval science and technology to bring the recent research on the subject to a more general audience and to counter the biased myths about it being a Dark Age of irrational superstition. Thankfully I can now cross that off my to do list, because Hannam’s superb book has done the job for me and in fine style.
The Christian Dark Age and Other Hysterical Myths
One of the occupational hazards of being an atheist and secular humanist who hangs around on discussion boards is to encounter a staggering level of historical illiteracy. I like to console myself that many of the people on such boards have come to their atheism via the study of science and so, even if they are quite learned in things like geology and biology, usually have a grasp of history stunted at about high school level. I generally do this because the alternative is to admit that the average person’s grasp of history and how history is studied is so utterly feeble as to be totally depressing.
So, alongside the regular airings of the hoary old myth that the Bible was collated at the Council of Nicea, the tedious internet-based “Jesus never existed!” nonsense, or otherwise intelligent people spouting pseudo historical claims that would make even Dan Brown snort in derision, the myth that the Catholic Church caused the Dark Ages and the Medieval Period was a scientific wasteland is regularly wheeled, creaking, into the sunlight for another trundle around the arena.
我们都听说过一些传言，比方说《圣经》由尼西亚会议（Council of Nicea）编修，互联网上“耶稣从未存在！”这样的胡说八道甚嚣尘上，还有一些本来挺聪明的人却胡诌出连丹·布朗（Dan Brown）都嗤之以鼻的伪历史断言，与这些耳熟能详的老套神话相提并论的，还有人说天主教会引发黑暗时代、中世纪是科学荒漠，这种神话时不时被人花样翻新之后重新拉回论战的舞台。
The myth goes that the Greeks and Romans were wise and rational types who loved science and were on the brink of doing all kinds of marvelous things (inventing full-scale steam engines is one example that is usually, rather fancifully, invoked) until Christianity came along. Christianity then banned all learning and rational thought and ushered in the Dark Ages. Then an iron-fisted theocracy, backed by a Gestapo-style Inquisition, prevented any science or questioning inquiry from happening until Leonardo da Vinci invented intelligence and the wondrous Renaissance saved us all from Medieval darkness.
The online manifestations of this curiously quaint but seemingly indefatigable idea range from the touchingly clumsy to the utterly shocking, but it remains one of those things that “everybody knows” and permeates modern culture.
A recent episode of Family Guy had Stewie and Brian enter a futuristic alternative world where, it was explained, things were so advanced because Christianity didn’t destroy learning, usher in the Dark Ages and stifle science. The writers didn’t see the need to explain what Stewie meant – they assumed everyone understood.
About once every 3-4 months on forums like RichardDawkins.net we get some discussion where someone invokes the old “Conflict Thesis“. That evolves into the usual ritual kicking of the Middle Ages as a benighted intellectual wasteland where humanity was shackled to superstition and oppressed by cackling minions of the Evil Old Catholic Church.
The hoary standards are brought out on cue. Giordiano Bruno is presented as a wise and noble martyr for science instead of the irritating mystical New Age kook he actually was. Hypatia is presented as another such martyr and the mythical Christian destruction of the Great Library of Alexandria is spoken of in hushed tones, despite both these ideas being totally untrue. The Galileo Affair is ushered in as evidence of a brave scientist standing up to the unscientific obscurantism of the Church, despite that case being as much about science as it was about Scripture.
And, almost without fail, someone digs up a graphic (see below), which I have come to dub “The Most Wrong Thing On the Internet Ever”, and to flourish it triumphantly as though it is proof of something other than the fact that most people are utterly ignorant of history and unable to see that something called “Scientific Advancement” can’t be measured, let alone plotted on a graph.
It’s not hard to kick this nonsense to pieces, especially since the people presenting it know next to nothing about history and have simply picked up these strange ideas from websites and popular books. The assertions collapse as soon as you hit them with hard evidence.
I love to totally stump these propagators by asking them to present me with the name of one – just one – scientist burned, persecuted, or oppressed for their science in the Middle Ages. They always fail to come up with any. They usually try to crowbar Galileo back into the Middle Ages, which is amusing considering he was a contemporary of Descartes.
When asked why they have failed to produce any such scientists given the Church was apparently so busily oppressing them, they often resort to claiming that the Evil Old Church did such a good job of oppression that everyone was too scared to practice science.
By the time I produce a laundry list of Medieval scientists – like Albertus Magnus, Robert Grosseteste, Roger Bacon, John Peckham, Duns Scotus, Thomas Bradwardine, Walter Burley, William Heytesbury, Richard Swineshead, John Dumbleton, Richard of Wallingford, Nicholas Oresme, Jean Buridan and Nicholas of Cusa- and ask why these men were happily pursuing science in the Middle Ages without molestation from the Church, my opponents usually scratch their heads in puzzlement at what just went wrong.
这时，我会列一个中世纪科学家清单——例如大阿尔伯图斯（Albertus Magnus）、罗伯特·格罗斯泰斯特（Robert Grosseteste）、罗吉尔·培根（Roger Bacon）、约翰·佩克汉姆（John Peckham）、邓斯·司各脱（Duns Scotus）、托马斯·布雷德华（Thomas Bradwardine）、沃特·伯利（Walter Burley）、赫特斯柏立的威廉（William Heytesbury）、理查德·斯韦恩斯赫（Richard Swineshead）、约翰·登布尔顿（John Dumbleton）、沃灵福德的理查德（Richard of Wallingford）、尼古拉斯·奥里斯姆（Nicholas Oresme）、让·布里丹（Jean Buridan），还有库萨的尼古拉斯（Nicholas of Cusa），然后问道，为什么这些人能够在中世纪快乐地追求科学，而没有受到教廷的摧残，我的对手们通常会困惑地挠挠头，不知道哪里出了问题。
The Origin of the Myths
How the myths that led to the creation of “The Most Wrong Thing On the Internet Ever” is well documented in several recent books on the the history of science. But Hannam wisely tackles it in the opening pages of his book, since it would be likely to form the basis for many general readers to be suspicious of the idea of a Medieval foundation for modern science.
A festering melange of Enlightenment bigotry, Protestant papism-bashing, French anti-clericism, and Classicist snobbery have all combined to make the Medieval period a by-word for backwardness, superstition and primitivism, and the opposite of everything the average person associates with science and reason.
Hannam sketches how polemicists like Thomas Huxley, John William Draper, and Andrew Dickson White, all with their own anti-Christian axes to grind, managed to shape the still current idea that the Middle Ages was devoid of science and reason. And how it was not until real historians bothered to question the polemicists through the work of early pioneers in the field like Pierre Duhem, Lynn Thorndike, and the author of my astrolabe book, Robert T. Gunther, that the distortions of the axe-grinders began to be corrected by proper, unbiased research. That work has now been completed by the current crop of modern historians of science like David C. Lindberg, Ronald Numbers, and Edward Grant.
Hannam描述了像Thomas Huxley、John William Draper以及Andrew Dickson White这样能言善辩的旗手，如何融入自己的反基督观点，扭曲地构建了科学和理性在中世纪寸步难行这类当前通行的观点。书中还记录，直到正牌历史学家开始利用自己的作品不厌其烦地对这些雄辩家们进行质疑，别有用心者的歪曲才开始被不带偏见的恰当研究所纠正，该领域早期开拓者包括Pierre Duhem、Lynn Thorndike，以及我的那本星盘书作者Robert T. Gunther。目前，David C. Lindberg、Ronald Numbers以及Edward Grant这样的现代科学史学家业已完成这项工作。
In the academic sphere, at least, the “Conflict Thesis” of a historical war between science and theology has been long since overturned. It is very odd that so many of my fellow atheists cling so desperately to a long-dead position that was only ever upheld by amateur Nineteenth Century polemicists and not the careful research of recent, objective, peer-reviewed historians. This is strange behavior for people who like to label themselves “rationalists”.
Speaking of rationalism, the critical factor that the myths obscure is precisely how rational intellectual inquiry in the Middle Ages was. While writers like Charles Freeman continue to lumber along, claiming that Christianity killed the use of reason, the fact is that thanks to Clement of Alexandria and Augustine’s encouragement of the use of pagan philosophy, and Boethius’ translations of works of logic by Aristotle and others, rational inquiry was one intellectual jewel that survived the catastrophic collapse of the Western Roman Empire and was preserved through the so-called Dark Ages. Edward Grant’s superb God and Reason in the Middle Ages details this with characteristic vigor, but Hannam gives a good summary of this key element in his first four chapters.
谈及理性主义，这些神话遮盖了这样一个至关重要的问题：中世纪智识方面的理性探索究竟处于何种状态？像Charles Freeman这样的作家还在抱着这堆破烂，说什么基督教让理性毫无用武之地，而事实却是，亚历山大的克莱门特（Clement of Alexandria）和奥古斯丁对异教哲学的运用多有鼓励，波伊提乌（Boethius）翻译了亚里士多德和其他人的逻辑学作品，理性探索一度是智识的明珠，于西罗马帝国崩溃之后幸存下来，在所谓的黑暗时代得以流传。对此，Edward Grant的杰作《中世纪的上帝与理性》花了极大的力气详加阐述，而Hannam在书中的前四章便给出了绝佳的概述。
What makes Hannam’s version of the story more accessible than Grant’s is the way he tells it though the lives of key people of the time – Gerbert of Aurillac, Anselm, Abelard, William of Conches, Adelard of Bath etc.
Hannam的故事之所以比格兰特更加通俗易懂，原因在于他利用那个年代关键人物的生平阐释其观点，其中包括奥里亚克的吉尔伯特（Gerbert of Aurillac）、安塞姆（Anselm）、阿伯拉尔（Abelard）、康奇斯的威廉（William of Conches）、巴斯的阿德拉德（Adelard of Bath）等人。
Some reviewers of Hannam’s book seem to have found this approach a little distracting, since the sheer volume of names and mini-biographies could make it feel like we are learning a small amount about a vast number of people. But given the breadth of Hannam’s subject, this is fairly inevitable and the semi-biographical approach is certainly more accessible than a stodgy abstract analysis of the evolution of Medieval thought.
Hannam also gives an excellent precis of the Twelfth Century Renaissance which, contrary to popular perception and to “the Myth”, was the real period in which ancient learning flooded back into western Europe. Far from being resisted by the Church, it was churchmen who sought this knowledge out among the Muslims and Jews of Spain and Sicily. And far from being resisted or banned by the Church, it was embraced and formed the basis of the syllabus in that other great Medieval contribution to the world: the universities that were starting to appear across Christendom.
Hannam还对十二世纪复兴（Twelfth Century Renaissance）进行了绝佳的概括，与通行的认知和前述神话不同的是，那是一个古代学识如洪水般涌回西欧的岁月。真相远远不是教会扼杀知识，恰恰是神职人员从西班牙和西西里的穆斯林和犹太人中间发掘出这些知识。知识也远远没有被教会禁绝，知识在基督教世界刚刚兴起的大学中构成了基本教学大纲，而大学，恰恰是中世纪对世界的另一伟大贡献。
God and Reason
The enshrining of reason at the heart of inquiry, combined with the influx of “new” Greek and Arabic learning, launched a veritable explosion of intellectual activity in Europe from the Twelfth Century onwards. It was as though the sudden stimulus of new perspectives and new ways of looking at the world fell on the fertile soil of a Europe that was, for the first time in centuries, relatively peaceful, prosperous, outward-looking, and genuinely curious.
This is not to say that more conservative and reactionary forces did not have misgivings about some of the new areas of inquiry, especially in relation to how philosophy and speculation about the natural world and the cosmos could affect accepted theology. Hannam is careful not to pretend that there was no resistance to the flowering of the new thinking and inquiry but, unlike the perpetuators of “the Myth”, he gives that resistance due consideration rather than pretending it was the whole story.
In fact, the conservatives and reactionaries’ efforts were usually rear-guard actions and were in almost every case totally unsuccessful in curtailing the inevitable flood of ideas that began to flow from the universities. Once it began, it was effectively unstoppable.
In fact, some of the efforts by the theologians to put some limits on what could and could not be accepted via the “new learning” actually had the effect of stimulating inquiry rather than constricting it. The “Condemnations of 1277” attempted to assert certain things that could not be stated as “philosophically true”, particularly things that put limits on divine omnipotence. This had the interesting effect of making it clear that Aristotle had, actually, got some things badly wrong – something Thomas Aquinas emphasized in his famous and highly influential Summa Theologiae:
实际上，神学家努力为“新学问”划定一条界线，规定某些事可以做，某些事不能做，这样的努力恰恰鼓励而非限制了探索。“1277大谴责”（Condemnations of 1277）力图主张某些事情不能被称为“在哲学上是真实的”（philosophically true），尤其是那些限制了“全能的神性”（divine omnipotence）的事情。这次事件产生了一种有趣的效果，让人们清楚无疑地看到，亚里士多德在某些方面其实错得非常离谱。而这些错误正如托马斯·阿奎那（Thomas Aquinas）在其极具影响力的、著名的《神学大全》（Summa Theologiae）中曾着重指出这一点。
“The condemnations and Thomas’s Summa Theologiae had created a framework within which natural philosophers could safely pursue their studies. The framework ….laid down the the principle that God had decreed laws of nature but was not bound by them. Finally, it stated that Aristotle was sometimes wrong. The world was not ‘eternal according to reason’ and ‘finite according to faith’. It was not eternal, full stop. And if Aristotle could be wrong about something that he regarded as completely certainly certain, that threw his whole philosophy into question. The way was clear for the natural philosophers of the Middle Ages to move decisively beyond the achievements of the Greeks.” (Hannam, pp. 104-105)
Which is precisely what they proceeded to do. Far from being a stagnant dark age, as the first half of the Medieval Period (500-1000 AD) certainly was, the period from 1000 to 1500 AD actually saw the most impressive flowering of scientific inquiry and discovery since the time of the ancient Greeks, far eclipsing the Roman and Hellenic Eras in every respect.
With Occam and Duns Scotus taking the critical approach to Aristotle further than Aquinas’ more cautious approach, the way was open for the Medieval scientists of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries to question, examine, and test the perspectives the translators of the Twelfth Century had given them, with remarkable effects:
“[I]n the fourteenth century medieval thinkers began to notice that there was something seriously amiss with all aspects of Aristotle’s natural philosophy, and not just those parts of it that directly contradicted the Christian faith. The time had come when medieval scholars could begin their own quest to advance knowledge ….striking out in new directions that neither the Greeks nor the Arabs ever explored. Their first breakthrough was to combine the two subjects of mathematics and physics in a way that had not been done before.” (Hannam, p. 174)
The story of that breakthrough, and the remarkable Oxford scholars who achieved it and thus laid the foundations of true science – the “Merton Calculators” – probably deserves a book in itself. But Hannam’s account certainly does them justice and forms a fascinating section of his work.
The names of these pioneers of the scientific method – Thomas Bradwardine, Thomas Bradwardine, William Heytesbury, John Dumbleton and the delightfully named Richard Swineshead – deserve to be better known.
Unfortunately, the obscuring shadow of “the Myth” means that they continue to be ignored or dismissed even in quite recent popular histories of science.Bradwardine’s summary of the key insight these men uncovered is one of the great quotes of early science and deserves to be recognized as such:
“[Mathematics] is the revealer of every genuine truth … whoever then has the effrontery to pursue physics while neglecting mathematics should know from the start that he will never make his entry through the portals of wisdom.” (Quoted in Hannam, p. 176)
These men were not only the first to truly apply mathematics to physics but also developed logarithmic functions 300 years before John Napier, and the Mean Speed Theorem 200 years before Galileo. The fact that Napier and Galileo are credited with discovering things that Medieval scholars had already developed is yet another indication of how “the Myth” has warped our perceptions of the history of science.
Similarly, the physics and astronomy of Jean Buridan and Nicholas Oresme were radical and profound, but generally unknown to the average reader. Buridan was one of the first to compare the movements of the cosmos to those of another Medieval innovation – the clock. The image of a clockwork universe which was to serve scientists well into our own era began in the Middle Ages.
And Oresme’s speculations about a rotating Earth shows that Medieval scholars were happy to contemplate what were (to them) fairly outlandish ideas to see if they might work – Oresme found that this particular idea actually worked quite well.
These men are hardly the products of a “dark age” and their careers are conspicuously free of any of the Inquisitors and threats of burning so fondly and luridly imagined by the fevered proponents of “the Myth”.
As mentioned above, no manifestation of “the Myth” is complete without the Galileo Affair being raised. The proponents of the idea that the Church stifled science and reason in the Middle Ages have to wheel him out, because without him they actually have absolutely zero examples of the Church persecuting anyone for anything to do with inquiries into the natural world.
The common conception that Galileo was persecuted for being right about heliocentrism is a total oversimplification of a complex business, and one that ignores the fact that Galileo’s main problem was not simply that his ideas disagreed with scriptural interpretation but also with the science of the time.
Contrary to the way the affair is usually depicted, the real sticking point was the fact that the scientific objections to heliocentrism at the time were still powerful enough to prevent its acceptance. Cardinal Bellarmine made it clear to Galileo in 1616 that if those scientific objections could be overcome then scripture could and would be reinterpreted.
But while the objections still stood, the Church, understandably, was hardly going to overturn several centuries of exegesis for the sake of a flawed theory. Galileo agreed to only teach heliocentrism as a theoretical calculating device, then promptly turned around and, in typical style, taught it as fact. Thus his prosecution by the Inquistion in 1633.
Hannam gives the context for all this in suitable detail in a section of the book that also explains how the Humanism of the “Renaissance” led a new wave of scholars, who sought not only to idolize and emulate the ancients, but to turn their backs on the achievements of recent scholars like Duns Scotus, Bardwardine, Buridan, and Orseme.
Thus many of their discoveries and advances were either ignored and forgotten (only to be rediscovered independently later) or scorned but quietly appropriated. The case for Galileo using the work of Medieval scholars without acknowledgement is fairly damning.
In their eagerness to dump Medieval “dialectic” and ape the Greeks and Romans – which made the “Renaissance” a curiously conservative and rather retrograde movement in many ways – they discarded genuine developments and advancements by Medieval scholars. That a thinker of the calibre of Duns Scotus could become mainly known as the etymology of the word “dunce” is deeply ironic.
As good as the final part of the book is and as worthy as a fairly detailed analysis of the realities of the Galileo Affair clearly is, I must say the last four or five chapters of Hannam’s book did feel as though they had bitten off a bit more than they could chew. I was able to follow his argument quite easily, but I am very familiar with the material and with the argument he is making. I suspect that those for whom this depiction of the “Renaissance,” and the idea of Galileo as nothing more than a persecuted martyr to genius, might find that it gallops at too rapid a pace to really carry them along. Myths, after all, have a very weighty inertia.
At least one reviewer seems to have found the weight of that inertia too hard to resist, though perhaps she had some other baggage weighing her down. Nina Power, writing in New Humanist magazine, certainly seems to have had some trouble ditching the idea of the Church persecuting Medieval scientists:
至少有一位评论者似乎认为这样的惯性非常难以克服，然而，这或许是因为她在某些方面的包袱过重。Nina Power在《新人文主义》（New Humanist）杂志撰文，似乎认为摒弃教廷迫害中世纪科学家的观点还颇为困难：
Just because persecution wasn’t as bad as it could have been, and just because some thinkers weren’t always the nicest of people, doesn’t mean that interfering in their work and banning their ideas was justifiable then or is justifiable now.”
Well, no-one said it was justifiable, and simply explaining how it came about and why it was not as extensive, or of the nature, that most people assume is not “justifying” it anyway – it is correcting a pseudo-historical misunderstanding.
That said, Power does have something of a point when she notes “Hannam’s characterization of [Renaissance] thinkers as “incorrigible reactionaries” who “almost managed to destroy 300 years of progress in natural philosophy” is at odds with his more careful depiction of those that came before.” This is not, however, because that characterization is wrong, but because the length and scope of the book really do not give him room to do this fairly complex and, to many, radical idea justice.
My only criticisms of the book are really quibbles. The sketch of the “agrarian revolution” of the Dark Ages described in Chapter One, which saw technology like the horse-collar and the mouldboard plough adopted and water and wind power harnessed to greatly increase production in previously unproductive parts of Europe is generally sound. But it does place too much emphasis on two elements in Lynn White’s thesis in his seminal Medieval Technology and Social Change – the importance of the stirrup and the significance of the horse collar.
As important and ground-breaking as White’s thesis was in 1962, more recent analysis has found some of his central ideas dubious. The idea that the stirrup was as significant for the rise of shock-heavy cavalry as White claimed is now pretty much rejected by military historians. Also, his claims about how this cavalry itself caused the beginnings of the feudal system were dubious to begin with.
Finally, the idea that Roman traction systems were as inefficient as White’s sources make out has also been seriously questioned. Hannam seems to accept White’s thesis wholesale, which is not really justified given it has been reassessed for over forty years now.
On a rather more personal note, as a humanist and atheist myself, there is a rather snippy little aside on page 212 where Hannam sneers that “non-believers have further muddied the waters by hijacking the word ‘humanist’ to mean a softer version of ‘atheist’.”
Sorry, but just as not all humanists are atheists (as Hannam himself well knows) so not all atheists are humanists (as anyone hanging around on some of the more vitriolically anti-theist sites and forums will quickly realize). So there is no “non-believer” plot to “hijack” the word “humanist”. Those of us who are humanists are humanists – end of story. And “atheism” does not need any “softening” anyway.
That aside, this is a marvelous book and a brilliant, readable, and accessible antidote to “the Myth”. It should be on the Christmas wish-list of any Medievalist, science history buff, or anyone who has a misguided friend who still thinks the nights in the Middle Ages were lit by burning scientists.
Tim O’Neill is an atheist blogger who specializes in reviews of books on ancient and medieval history as well as atheism and historiography. He holds a Master of Arts in Medieval Literature from the University of Tasmania and is a subscribing member of the Australian Atheist Foundation and the Australian Skeptics. He is also the author of the History versus The Da Vinci Code website and is currently working on a book with the working title History for Atheists: How Not to Use History in Debates About Religion. He finds the fact that he irritates many theists and atheists in equal measure a sign that he’s probably doing some good. Follow his blog at Armarium Magnum.
蒂姆·奥尼尔是一位无神论博客作者，专注于古代史、中世纪史、以及无神论和史学领域的书评创作。他毕业于塔斯马尼亚大学，获得中世纪文学硕士学位，是澳大利亚无神论者基金会（Australian Atheist Foundation）和澳大利亚怀疑论协会（Australian Skeptics）的会员。他还是History versus The Da Vinci Code 网站的作者，目前正在撰写一本名为History for Atheists: How Not to Use History in Debates About Religion的书。他的观点常常在有神论者和无神论者之间造成相同程度的轩然大波，这或许表明，他的工作起到了一些良好的作用。请关注他在Armarium Magnum的博客。